Political Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Brazil
With almost eight months, the Bolsonaro government is confirmed as a threat to the democratic regime and the country is still conflagrated and in crisis. Faced with the president’s determination to govern by confronting constitutional legality and imposing a civilizational return, the rejection of the authoritarian escalation in society is widening.
The PCdoB, strengthened by its union with the Free Fatherland Party (PPL), at the frontline of the street battle, with an influential federal bench – with recognized leaders such as Governor Flávio Dino, the former vice-presidential candidate of the Republic Manuela d’Ávila and former presidential candidate João Vicente Goulart – strives to broaden and strengthen the opposition. It is also preparing to run in the 2020 elections with protagonism and strives to become a more structured party, welcoming new leaders.
I – Government is the enemy of democracy, the executioner of the people and the traitor of the country
Bolsonaro imposed – under a poles and wing government – its power. Authoritarian escalation against liberties and attacks on institutions is growing, among them the National Congress and the Supreme Federal Court (STF), as well as the press. The president undermines the balance between powers of the Republic with state management that violates legal certainty and aims to break it down. Arbitrarily, it uses the presidency to harass journalists and governors, and to retaliate against Democrats and patriots. These typical state of exception practices are indispensable for Bolsonaro to realize his project of imposing an authoritarian-police state and shielding his clan and government.
The preaching of hatred and prejudice grows. The president extinguishes councils, dismisses committee members in order to shape the structure of government and state at the service of their backward agenda. Like the arbitrary dismissal of the president of the National Institute for Space Research (Inpe) and the president and other members of the Special Commission on the Dead and Missing. It disrespected the scientific community and launched an attack on the country’s human rights, history and memory, especially the victims of the dictatorship.
It is advancing the implementation of an ultraliberal agenda, the dismantling of the state and the cutting of people’s rights. It implements a typically neo-colonial conception of capitulation that results in subordinating Brazil to the interests of the United States. In short: a fascist-looking far-right force that has taken up significant space on the political and social scene is in government, instrumentalizing the state and threatening democracy.
Reports from The Intercept Brazil revealed that former Justice Sergio Moro, Minister of Justice, and his lieutenant Deltan Dallagnol, as well as other prosecutors, acted in a biased manner, violating the Constitution, the Organic Judiciary Law and the due process of law. They demonstrated illegalities and illegitimities of Operation Car Wash. Moro and Dallagnol lost their armor and were confronted by a growing range of their peers, as well as personalities from various sectors of society and in Congress. However, the Car Wash continues as the agglutinating pole of the far right wing.
The president seeks to deepen a direct link with the base of the Armed Forces and the police. He dismissed generals who clashed with him and dispelled the illusion that he could be guarded by uniformed exponents. This movement, on the other hand, created a dispute with sectors of the Armed Forces.
Bolsonaro seeks to maintain the support of banks and economic and financial monopolies. After the “reform” of Social Security, which resulted in major setbacks to workers’ rights, will come the acceleration of the criminal sale of national assets. Petrobras is being sold by slices. After ‘BR Distribuidora’, the sale of eight refineries is triggered. It announces an openly surrender plan, whereby, of the 122 state-owned companies, only 12 will remain, aiming to raise R$ 450 billion. The list includes the Post Office and Eletrobrás (public energy company). In addition, public banks are being weakened; and the biggest example of this is the BNDES (development bank) dismantling. The government announced the sale of assets of the bank worth about R$ 110 billion, plus the return of R$ 126 billion this year to the Treasury. Since 2015, the bank has transferred R$ 339 billion to the Treasury. In the indispensable theme of sustainable development, the government adopts a regressive agenda and destroys the control and inspection bodies for the protection of natural resources and the environment, exposing the country to restrictions on its foreign trade.
Economic stagnation and social tragedy
With a ridiculous investment rate, high income concentration and the rapid impoverishment of the people, Brazil faces the longest economic crisis in its history. Forecasts indicate that this year’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth – if any – will be below 1%.
Deindustrialization has reached an alarming level. Industry’s share of GDP in the first quarter of 2019 fell to 10.4%. In the oil and gas sector, there is an upside-down industrial policy that matters at the expense of local content. The naval sector, which has employed 84,000 direct workers and more than 780,000 indirect workers, has in the last four years eliminated at least 60,000 jobs. Denationalization also advances. In the last five years, around 400 Brazilian companies have passed into foreign hands. The picture is aggravated by the announced privatization process, also a form of denationalization of the country’s wealth.
The achievements of labor and labor legislation are being decimated. The syndicalism attacked. Continuing this onslaught, the government is considering ending union unity to impose the division of the working class, which requires unity, articulation and mobilization to prevent one more setback. The government creates conditions for an overwhelming assault on capital against labor. There are 12.8 million unemployed people, and there are almost 5 million discouraged, in addition to another ten million working in precarious conditions. Long-term unemployment continues to grow, with around 3.4 million Brazilians today.
Public services and basic social rights – such as health, education, housing, security – are impacted by Constitutional Amendment no. 95, of the Expenditure Ceiling, with successive contingencies and cuts. The result is a scenario of social tragedy.
II – Brazil with sovereignty debased and subordinated to the USA
Contrary to analyzes that predicted the end of the capitalist world crisis, it goes on, with no end in sight. Studies from various international sources and agencies foresee this year and the following a slowdown in the world economy. Indeed, there is a tendency that the “mediocre” growth picture may turn into recession; This has a negative impact on the economy in Brazil.
After the fiscal-money packages that since 2008 have pumped trillions into banks, neoliberal economists boasted that the world economy had emerged from recession from 2010. But soon after (2012-2013) the second wave came in Europe, followed by in the third wave, from 2014, by the whole of the capitalist periphery. It has only escaped China, despite a reduction in GDP growth from 10 percent a year in three decades to 6 percent. The mass of funds that circulate in the purely financial sphere, basically consisting of “derivatives”, returned to the pre-2008 level: US $ 600 trillion.
The whole work of the government in these almost eight months, in the international arena, is a demonstration of a foreign policy that demeans the national sovereignty, affronts the diplomatic traditions of the country and repositioning Brazil in the world, by giving up advantages arising from the multipolar order. Brazil has weakened into organizations such as the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and Mercosur, contributed to the withdrawal of Unasur and abandoned efforts to expand trade with the Middle East and Africa, retreating to the semiperipheral position in global production chains. The subordination to the United States causes contradictions within the ruling class and the right wing, due to economic interests linked to relations with China and other countries. Asymmetrical agreements, such as that of the European Union and Mercosur, will further deepen the neo-colonial condition. The possible appointment of Eduardo Bolsonaro (son of President Bolsonaro) to the Embassy in Washington, in addition to symbolizing this relationship of subordination, exposes the country to international vexation.
Bolsonaro is subordinated to the destabilizing US offensive against Venezuela, Cuba and the São Paulo Forum, as well as the policy of dismantling the integration mechanisms of Latin America and the Caribbean. The US counteroffensive in the region takes up the logic of the Monroe Doctrine and produces setbacks in the accumulation process achieved with progressive governments. Economic blockade and open threats of war against Venezuela are in place. But it resists.
However, the possibility of progressive forces’ victory in the presidential elections of Bolivia, Uruguay and Argentina (where the opposition won the previous ones) emerges. This, if realized, will reduce the imbalance of forces on the Continent. And Cuba, despite Trump’s increased pressure, reaffirms its patriotic and revolutionary resistance. In this context, the struggle for peace and international solidarity is an imposition.
III – The tactic: the correlation of forces and the central task
Bolsonaro keeps its social base energized. So far, it still has about 30 percent public backing and has a mobilized cyber army that runs the dirty and criminal digital war against the opposition. Anti-system, anti-corruption and anti-left ideas have pervaded sectors of society. However, government attrition is increasing.
The economic agenda of the ultraliberal program mostly unites the ruling classes and the mainstream media, and has a large majority in both houses of Congress. In this sphere, however, there are contradictions. The same is true of the neo-colonial agenda, which is not assimilated throughout the bloc.
However, the president has already lost 20% of popular support, failed to form an organic base in Congress, and the economy has pumped down, returning to the possibility of recession.
An important fact is the growing position of large sectors of society, including the ruling classes and their instruments – such as the mainstream media -, which joins leaders from diverse areas, of varying political-ideological hues, who rise up in defense of democracy.
There are contradictions in the field of government, and Bolsonaro’s political conduct is essentially disruptive. Unable to form a suprapartisan base, he cast the PSL and the NOVO parties as guardians of his interests.
The void of government interaction with the Legislature was occupied by Deputy Rodrigo Maia, strengthening the exercise of President of the Chamber of Deputies and the autonomous role of the Chamber. He established an institutional relationship with the opposition. He enlists parliamentarians from the center and the right and unifies them to approve the neoliberal economic agenda in direct liaison with economic and financial power.
However, Maia and a cast of center parlamentarians, as well as institutional figures, partisan, and civil society leaders, repel the typical state practices of the Car Wash and the Presidency itself. This gives rise to convergence with the opposition on the agenda to fight against the criminalization of politics and the disrespect for freedom and rights. As happened in the approval of the bill against the abuse of authority in the House of Representatives, approved by the vast majority of parties, isolating the far right. Likewise, they converge on repudiation of attacks on institutions, as well as on the battle for the restoration of the Democratic Rule of Law. A recent example of this was in the case of the defense of press freedom and the joint action of 70 parliamentarians from 12 parties in the STF to reverse yet another arbitrary act against former President Lula.
Run over by the far right, PSDB and the DEM support the neoliberal economic agenda. They point to differences and even divergences with the government and seek to be an alternative in the 2022 elections. The PSDB weakened, is divided, and was led by the governor of São Paulo, João Doria. The DEM, with the protagonism of Maia, gained strength.
Opposition progressively strengthens
The opposition gradually recovers from the harsh defeat. The democratic resistance is increasing, it is multiple and diverse, from the combative performance of the opposition bench in the National Congress and other legislative houses. In the “reform” of Social Security, despite the defeat in the House of Representatives, it managed to reduce damage. The reinvigoration of the opposition is also manifested in the courageous movement of the Consortium of Governors of the Northeast; in the regular meetings of the left and center left parties (although they still lack a convergent tactical orientation); in the resumption of the battle of the streets under the call of the National Union of Students (UNE) and the Brazilian Union of Secondary Students (Ubes), in addition to the Education entities; in the unprecedented unitary action of the trade union centrals and social movements; the emergence of broad initiatives in defense of culture, science, human rights, restoration of the democratic rule of law; in rejecting Bolsonaro’s praise of the torture and prestige with which he treats the egresses of the dictatorship’s cellars.
There is a potential for increasing resistance. Latent indignation is turning into a struggle, in which the strong mobilizing power of public education and science stands out. Other themes, such as the right to employment, the defense of the Unified Health System (SUS), the right to public health have great social appeal. The challenge is to gradually build up active resistance, and to continue the successful calendar of large, unitary and massive mobilizations that goes back to March 8, passes through May Day, peaked in May-June and resumed on August 13, with the vigorous “Education Tsunami” and against the “reform” of Social Security, and, on August 14, the strong March of Daisies. The next demonstration in defense of Education is scheduled for September 7, which tends to add other movements and flags, such as the defense of national sovereignty, democracy and rights.
Defense of democracy broadens opposition and isolates Bolsonaro
The central task of tactics is the articulation of a broad front that has as its axis of unity the defense of democracy and the Constitution. The flag of democracy has the potential to broaden the opposition, isolate and defeat Bolsonaro’s extremism. The emergence of the democratic struggle is necessary, it demands to gather multiple forces and oppositions, beyond the left and center left. To this end, resistance must dialogue with all political, economic, social and cultural forces with ampleness and wit.
The defense of national sovereignty and the rights of the people and the working class, as well as mobilization against the criminal agenda of privatization, is linked to the urgent and central banner of democracy. PCdoB considers relevant the elaboration of a new national development project to present alternatives to the country and perspectives to the people, promoting the unity of the patriotic and progressive field. It is also necessary to promote the convergence of these forces to constitute and propel the broad democratic front.
IV – PCdoB at the front line of resistance
The work of the Communists at the Brazilian Workers ‘Center (CTB) and the Brazilian Workers’ General Center (CGTB) in building the unity and the Forum of the trade union centrals in defense of the rights of the working class is relevant. It is very positive, in the context of an attack on the working class and its entities, the ongoing efforts to promote the unification of CTB and CGTB. Likewise, the contribution of the Party, through the Socialist Youth Union (UJS) and Youth Free Fatherland (JPL), stood out by boosting mobilizations in defense of Education. Contribution extending to other movements: Women, Blacks, LGBT, housing, culture and other civil and social rights. The Popular Brazil Front and the Fearless People Front continue to play an important role in mobilizing the people.
In the Chamber of Deputies, its bench, led by Deputy Daniel Almeida, stands out for its combativeness, breadth and wit. At the head of the minority leadership, respected MP Jandira Feghali has contributed to the cohesion of the opposition and also to boosting its actions.
Governor Flávio Dino, from Maranhão state, projects himself as one of the main opposition national leaders. Bolsonaro, incurring a crime of misconduct, ordered the boycott of Maranhão. Faced with this vileness, the governor received broad solidarity from the governors of the Northeastern Consortium and from broad democratic sectors.
Manuela d´Ávila develops an intense agenda, mobilizing political leaders, especially youth and women. It has set up an institute in defense of the truth and in fighting fake news and, for this work and for its leading role in the opposition, is heavily attacked on social networks by the Bolsonaro scheme.
V – 2020 Elections: Seeking Superior Results
In 2020, a new election day for PCdoB begins. It must have new contours, must articulate with the process of political and social struggle, and rely on the reinvigoration of the Party. Its results are linked to the central focus of PCdoB’s strategic planning of overcoming the barrier clause by 2022.
Elect city councilors and mayors
PCdoB should aim for better results than were achieved in 2016, broaden its electoral base and number of elected officials, reelect current mayors and city councilors, project thousands of electoral leaderships for 2022, and gain hundreds of mandates of city councilors for solid points of support and performance, especially in the large and medium-sized cities and most populous regions of the country. For this, it is imperative for the PCdoB, at this stage, to reposition the political and mass work in the large and medium cities and most populous regions of the country.
The new and inescapable challenge for this is the construction of our own competitive ticket of city councilors, capable of achieving the electoral quotient. To enhance this effort, it is also necessary to present pre-candidatures for mayor, notably in the capitals, which project the leadership and the legend PCdoB, 65, and boost the construction of its own competitive ticket of city councilors. The majority victory should be sought in all municipalities where the basic conditions are met. The process of the 2019 Municipal Conferences is the perfect moment to define the project and mobilize the whole Party around it, already starting the pre-campaign of the candidates.
VI – Driven by the union with the PPL, PCdoB will strengthen in the resistance and in the elections of 2020.
The profound change in the political scenario impacts on party making, Party building and structuring. To face adversity and exploit the potentialities typical of the situation of ruptures and crises, it takes boldness to widen paths.
It is necessary to find new social actors and, from this new environment, mobilize the cadres, militants and affiliates, besides the valuable patrimony constituted in the relations with friends, sympathizers and voters. Boosting mobilization, compacting directive action through planned action, and orienting the agenda to the bases in a variety of ways, stimulating broad debate to enable understanding of the complex political framework; and thus forge conviction and united action of the party collective. And to promote militant formation, to strengthen communication with emphasis on the internet, to strive for the Party’s self-financing, increasing, in various ways, its collection capacity, especially with the militant contribution. In short, we have to structure the Party with the organic and political capacity to overcome the barrier clause by 2022.
At the 2019 State Conferences, the elected state directorates will play the role of regents in promoting party building updates under the recent National Party Structuring Seminar. Capable, unitary, dynamic, party-line directions on all terrains of social, political, and idea struggle will command thousands of municipal committees for these purposes. The center of party action will be to ensure the intense agenda and articulation of the governing bodies, from the Bases to the State Committees; achieve full integration of PPL staff; and join forces to meet the enormous political and electoral challenges.
The municipal elections are a great opportunity to identify PCdoB, 65, with the best wishes of the people and win attention for our Party, broaden our vote and our ranks, winning hearts and minds to defend the party program. This will also come from the realization of a wide-ranging membership campaign promoting the active pursuit of leaderships to the Party.
The decisive role of Municipal Committees and their immediate tasks
Great role and responsibility will have the Municipal Committees in this project. There is a whole work of political, partisan and electoral management to be done by them in the new, tougher and more complex conditions of dispute. This requires focused support from State Committees. In a very special way, the Municipal Committees should proceed to the effective, wide and unitary integration of the new comrades coming from the PPL, in accordance with the norms indicated by the Central Committee.
The task is to forge capable and unitary directions, give meaning to the collective project of all the applications, open perspectives of action, expand the action to new areas and new sectors, renew insertions and party leaders, incorporate affiliates and militants, support the Committees and Bases on their territorial and sectoral action, intertwining the two. The challenge is to discover new ways and means for the growth and insertion of the PCdoB with the people, attracting new adhesions of organizations and movements, of claiming, cultural, sports, community or the exercise of citizenship rights.
PCdoB-PPL union unleashes revolutionary energies
Begun in October 2018, as the first reaction to the far-right electoral victory, the dialogue between the PCdoB and the PPL, aiming at the union of the two subtitles, advanced rapidly. The incorporation, the legal formula of this integration process, is already a factual and legal reality, and was even unanimously approved by the TSE on May 28 this year.
The final stage is concluded this second semester, at PCdoB state and municipal conferences. It is up to ‘Link’ state commissions to propose now the participation of comrades from the PPL as guests in the board environment, and to examine and formulate a proposal for the composition of the board to be elected at the conference that reflects the necessary integration, and to design parameters for composition of municipal committees.
Integration, as we believed, is much more than a sum. Unification has released many energies. Contributing to this is the fact that our most distant inspirations are based on the October Revolution of 1917 and our trajectories have always been centered on the anti-imperialist struggle, the defense of national development, democracy and social justice.
This common ground, which includes the Getulio Vargas Letter of Testament, the Legality Campaign under the leadership of Leonel Brizola, and the João Goulart government, gave rise to a confluent tactical vision as Brazil faces a serious threat: not only the uncompromising defense of national sovereignty and workers’ rights, but also a broad range of forces must be added to wage democratic resistance, isolating the far right, blocking its progression and paving the way to liquidate its claims to perpetuate power.
Sao Paulo, August 18, 2019.