Transnational corporations pull the strings of the false government of Juan Guaidó (Photo: Archive)
Recently, the artificial “president” Juan Guaidó made a new appointment to his group of representatives who control Venezuelan assets and resources taken illegally by the United States.
He is Carlos Jordá, an expert in the oil industry who chaired the CITGO board of directors between 1999 and 2002. He retired from the state oil industry early that decade and is currently a director of Delek US Holding, an oil refinery based in Tennessee, USA.
Carlos Jordá will manage Citgo’s debt with the interests of other oil companies at the front (Photo: Voice of America)
According to the Wallmine stock market data portal, Jordan has an equity of at least $1.93 million in the energy company. While the shares he owns are valued at more than 1’152,000 dollars. For the position he holds in Delek US, he receives 242 thousand dollars a year in fixed salary alone.
With Guaidó’s appointment, he would again be in charge of PDVSA’s subsidiary in a completely different context from his previous administration, under the illegal intervention of a fictitious government backed by Washington and with legal threats from foreign capital and vulture funds that, through illegal indebtedness guaranteed by U.S. courts, aim to capture the assets of the three Venezuelan refineries operating in Illinois, Texas and Louisiana.
Carlos Jordá’s corporate background profiles him as an adequate selection, not for the protection of the Bolivarian Republic’s assets, an issue that the counterfeit politician Guaidó repeats in his scripts for the public, but to gather information on CITGO’s operational processes that could be provided to companies such as Delek Us itself, in order to take advantage of the dispute over the Venezuelan company.
Venezuelan actors serve transnational interests, which is easily revealed by looking at the profiles and backgrounds of other “appointments ” made by Juan Guaidó in energy and financial industries since his self-appointment in January of this year:
Attorney Jose Ignacio Hernandez, named as “special prosecutor” for anti-Chávez in February of this year, has labor ties with Canadian mining company Crystallex.
In 2017, Hernández was hired by this company as a “legal expert” to elaborate a legal argument that would allow him to transfer a lawsuit of 1,400 million dollars, approved by the ICSID against the Venezuelan State, to the state-owned PDVSA with the objective of being able to claim assets from CITGO in the form of payment. For this case, he would receive a remuneration of 163,720 dollars.
But before representing Crystallex, he used the same plea to favor the Owens-Illinois. Now, the lawyer for the transnationals was responsible for defending the Venezuelan subsidiary before the U.S. justice system, the arbitration that he himself set up, and other lawsuits brought by corporations seeking to confiscate it.
Financial hitman Ricardo Hausmann was appointed as the country’s representative before the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). The consideration of his name in this illegal appointment took place, in large part, because of the extensive file that he has, being the leader of the financial persecution of Venezuela abroad.
Ricardo Hausmann, former Punto Fijo minister, has been one of the ambassadors of the blockade of Venezuela (Photo: Archive)
While living in Venezuela during the 1980s, he was “encouraging the flight of assets (financial and industrial) through the privatization of all state agencies of goods and services. Then, based in the United States, he served as chief economist at the IDB.
His insistence on indebting the country with a loan application to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is a consideration that has been taken into account by Guaidó’s team. According to his calculations, the approximate amount of the financial package would be 60 billion dollars, in addition to a restructuring of the national debt.
The leader of Voluntad Popular, Carlos Vecchio, was assigned by the “transitional government”, first as chargé d’affaires for the United States and, in the course of diplomatic violations to the headquarters of the Venezuelan embassy in Washington, Donald Trump legitimized him as “ambassador”.
Carlos Vecchio with Donald Trump, February 2019 (Photo: Archive)
He worked for ExxonMobil at a time when President Hugo Chávez was leading a struggle against transnational interests operating in the national oil industry and was, as explained by the investigation conducted by Anya Parampil and Diego Sequera, one of the voices that emerged from the opposition complaining in U.S. media about Chavista ‘discrimination’.
As Guaidó’s representative in Washington, he has played a fundamental role in the scheme of looting and appropriation of resources belonging to CITGO. Among other scandals that pursue him, is that of the ad hoc board of PDVSA driven by his management, which is accused of stealing 800 million dollars of funds belonging to the refinery.
This same “administrative board” of PDVSA was armed with a group of former spokespersons from different private industries linked to the energy and financial sectors. Its president, Luis Pacheco, worked with the World Bank, Repsol and Pemex, through a consulting firm of which he was a co-owner.
Another of its members, Ecoanalítica founder Alejandro Grisanti Capriles, was former head of Latin American Strategy at Barclays Capital investment bank. Together with Ricardo Haussmann, Grisanti elaborated a document with a series of guidelines to renegotiate the Venezuelan foreign debt and put the nation’s patrimony to the benefit of foreign capital and multilateral institutions such as the IMF.
In May, the usurper directive, with the approval of a license by the Treasury Department, executed a payment of 71.6 million dollars for the interests of the PDVSA 2020 bond, a move that mainly benefited economic groups holding these bonds in the United States. Likewise, the national executive has repeatedly denounced the members of the board who are creating debt mechanisms of CITGO unfavorable to Venezuela.
Two Guaidó fake appointees in Colombia, Calderón Berti as Venezuelan ambassador and Jon Bilbao as director of Pequiven’s ad hoc board, share the common past of having been part of the 2003 sabotage of PDVSA and then migrating to Colombian energy sector businesses.
Humberto Calderón Berti was Minister of Energy and Mines during the government of Luis Herrera Campíns and later President of PDVSA, at a time plagued with the diversion and misappropriation of public funds.
In 2003, he founded the oil company Verty Energy, a company with participation in oil exploration and production blocks in Colombia, which was later accessed by Spanish investors and expanded to the United States, Ecuador and Peru. Currently, the Canadian company New Stratus Energy owns the majority of Verty.
As Guaidó’s envoy in Colombia, Berti has been implicated in coup d’état plans directed by Uribe. A confession by mercenary José González León pointed him out as one of those who coordinated the preparations for actions of irregular violence of the 30A.
For his part, Jon Bilbao, director of Pequiven at the beginning of 2000, comes out after the oil strike and begins to give advice to the “Colombian Oil Institute, to the refineries of Cartagena and Barrancabermeja and to the diverse organizations of Ecopetrol”.
Today, the ratification of Pequiven’s illegal appointment as president by Duque’s government and the exit of Monomeros Colombo Venezolanos S.A. from the OFAC list by another Guaidó delegate, José Ignacio Hernández, gives Jon Bilbao total control of the assets of that Pequiven subsidiary, a fertilizer company constituted with Venezuelan state capital in Colombian territory.
In this way, Juan Guaidó assigned the key positions of the main institutions that manage Venezuelan property and assets abroad to figures that have direct connections with transnational energy interests, mainly in the United States and also Canadians and Europeans.
The structure that this fake government has been putting in place plunders the wealth of the country under license from the Trump Administration and, in parallel to the failed attempts of national anti-Chávezism, through mercenary interventions, to remove Nicolás Maduro from the Presidency in order to take direct control of the natural resources of Venezuelan territory, which up to now he has not been able to touch.
Given that the latter seems to be an ambition that is receding with each political decision taken on the Venezuelan question, the formula of extraterritorial plunder will continue to be implemented with the efforts of Guaidó. Apparently, the only thing for which this tutelage of the transnational corporate elites has not made mistakes.