Opportunism and Contradiction: Why Mobilize, Why Struggle in Colombia?

Oto Higuita
https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/colombia%20map%20and%20flag_0_0.jpgFirst, this is a frank conversation with those who believed that the country’s grave problem was something else, namely corruption, rather than the dilemma of an internal war of attrition or building a national movement for comprehensive peace. You were mistaken.

And this is the first thing that should be honestly acknowledge if we genuinely intend to reshape the political agenda. Even though 11 million voters mobilized against corruption, where did all that effort go? Today, people from different positions are calling for unity in defense of the peace accords. In the midst of a completely new conjuncture, with an authoritarian political force of marked fascist tendency (Ramiro Bejarano calls it the Fascist Republic) which aspires to become a full majority in order to impose its vision of life, peace and war. We are well aware of what it is.

With a puppet government that reaffirms the submissive and dependent nature of the Democratic Center Party, and the forces that brought it to power, whose aim is the neoconservative and authoritarian restoration of the old oligarchic rule in Venezuela and its refoundation in Colombia. To this end, they have fulfilled their first objective: to demobilize the FARC militarily and politically and offer them crumbs that they rebuke today as “great concessions” from the previous “traitorous” government; press for the demobilization of the ELN; dismantle the fragmented Transitional Justice JEP, so that it becomes an instrument of the executive and strip it of all autonomy to function and impart justice, truth and rights to victims; so that only the demobilized FARC members confess crimes and truth, and save state agents and their political leaders and real determiners of the great crimes and human rights violations in Colombia, during the long internal armed conflict provoked by the oligarchies in the 1930s, which expanded like a whirlwind with the assassination of Gaitán in 1948.

State crimes that they have been able to cover up by preserving the power of the State and its institutions, the unconditional support of the gringos, and by having narrated, written, recounted and transmitted from their interests as a class the history that today demands from them control in the form of a grip on key positions in public and private institutions, in order to review once again what that history has been like, what resistance they have encountered from the movements, parties and critical voices of the opposition and the left, and to prevent the social construction of the historical truth by the voices of millions of victims, who would reveal those primarily responsible for the long confrontation and those who have benefited from it, that is the crux of the matter, to cover up this reality and not allow it to be collectively established.

The peace accords were born dead, Santos can only claim the triumph of demobilizing the FARC, despite this the radical wing of the oligarchy considers him a traitor, what irony. That is why they are reassembling power, until they become the majority. “I have said, we don’t have the political majorities to eliminate the JEP so we must insist on introducing reforms”.

For this reason, it is worth asking, if the agreements were a failure, what must be reconstituted, why must we fight? For the defense of the JEP? For the few crumbs in exchange for this agreement? For the construction of a national movement for dialogue and a complete peace agreement? For a broad national opposition agreement that disputes power with those who have enjoyed it for decades?