The electoral process that Venezuela experienced today and its quantitative results clearly show a triumph of Chavismo, which also has a powerful political and symbolic correlation.
The “final battle” was neither in Miraflores nor was decided with bullets: it has been resolved with votes and the result has been overwhelming. Chavismo now has legitimacy and legal support to move forward without hesitation in a profound modification of the constitutional framework to ensure peace, strengthen institutions and restore economic balance.
A preliminary analysis identifies the following key points:
1) The opposition associated with the MUD is not a majority.
2) Nor is it the expression of the expectations and needs of the majority or the main sectors of the country. Not even the dominant sectors.
3) They are not at the service of the national interests but of well-identified external factors, which they do not even try to disguise.
4) They have demonstrated their irresponsibility in the use of violence.
5) For its part, Chavismo has demonstrated that it is the only political bloc capable of proposing and promoting an inclusive national project that incorporates the main social, institutional, economic and political factors of the country, not excluding those organically bound with the opposition grouped in the MUD.
6) MUD, on the other hand, has left as its historical legacy its political impertinence that has made it a threat to Venezuela’s independence, peace, institutional stability and economic equilibrium. The opposition bloc could not overcome the simple pretense of taking power and instead of developing a political proposal was caught in an absolutely destructive dynamic.
7) The origin and development of the conflict exacerbated since 2012 is economic in nature and is determined by the distribution of oil income. Consequently, Venezuela can no longer evade the debate over the overcoming of the economic model based on oil revenue. This requires the constituent assembly to make radical decisions that dismantle the productive structures highly dependent on the external sector.
8) The conditions of street violence and the context of threats in which the vote took place forced the Chavismo to assume a greater commitment. Paradoxically, these conditions may have worked as a stimulus to participation. This happened in 2002-2003 after the oil sabotage, in 2004, prior to the recall. Today Chavismo went to vote. The best thing the MUD could expect was indifference.
9) Chavismo now becomes the main moderator and promoter of political conversation, but this forces them to be more militant, inclusive and broader in thematic scope, while engaging in the each social sector .
10) Among the obligations of Chavismo is the construction of a cosmogony and a teleology of the Venezuelan people capable of being an alternative to the cultural values of capital. That includes aspects related to the transcendental and the religious.