Violence and upheaval are part of the right-wing plan to foster foreign military intervention and justify a de facto government with “hard decisions” concerning economic measures against the Venezuelan people.
The audio recordings unveiled on April 5, involving a former Disip agent and a retired military officer, revealed a strategy coinciding with statements made in 2016 by deputy Henry Ramos Allup, who proposed a government that would implement tough and unpopular measures.
According to former Disip agent Eduardo Vetancourt’s statements released in the audio, a state of commotion would ensure the intervention of the United States, masqueraded as “humanitarian mission” to complete a plan that, he said, was created by former commander of U.S. Southern Command John F. Kelly when oil prices began to drop in international markets.
Such intervention would be the prelude to a government of “old politicians”, people who were part of governments under political parties Accion Democratica and Copei, who would carry out responsibility for implementing unpopular measures and then be replaced by a younger leadership, that would ensure such policies are effectually carried out.
“One thing is the people that are going to take over the government,” warns Vetancourt, “because you can not exhaust the boys with the decisions you’re going to take,” adding that such a change of leadership would occur when “tough decisions were already made,” in a government that, he claims, would last from 18 to 24 months. “The gear will be delivered after elections,” he said.
The prospect of forming an unpopular government had already been made by Ramos Allup in June 2016 during a talk at Georgetown University in Washington, where after being consulted on measures to be taken following a change of government, he said it would be a “fusible government” because of the harsh “shocks of the unpopular measures to be taken.”
In the recordings, Vetancourt and a retired military member Ricardo Zomacal Longo told a covert agent about the escalating violence plan, whose objective was to attack with weapons of war military fort Fuerte Tiuna and Miraflores presidential palace, use police officers as a force of shock and apply the tactic of predisposing the population to outbreaks of fratricidal violence, to prepare the ground for foreign intervention.
The order that would be imposed by the so-called “humanitarian mission”, which would arrive by air from the United States at aerodrome of La Carlota, would be followed by a transitional government, marked by “their political desires” (of civilians), according to Zomacal.
“We will have to negotiate because we will not be in all the ministries,” he said in the audio and maintained the proposal that the visible faces of such government should not be military, even if there are military members.
“They have to be civilians and behind civilians, civilians … Ah, that there may be soldiers in civilian clothes, perfect, but not soldiers dressed as military,” said the retired colonel, who also did not rule out the possibility that in the so-called transition “there are others who are going to die.”
The strategy is in line with the theory of shock doctrine, the thesis of neoliberal theorist Milton Friedman, who proposes that any crisis, whether real or perceived, is useful to make certain measures or policies “inevitable” for the common good, since otherwise they would not be applicable due to the popular rejection they can cause.
In 1973, the destabilization against Salvador Allende’s socialist government led to application of unpopular measures by the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet; in Brazil, Michel Temer’s government, resulting from a parliamentary coup against President Dilma Rousseff and protected by a “political crisis” has applied neoliberal measures such as the freezing of “public spending”, with the approval of the International Monetary Fund.
Likewise, the neoliberal government of Mauricio Macri devalued Argentina’s peso by 45% and increased considerably public services, among other measures based on a government that would restore the social state of right for Argentineans.
Venezuela’s Minister of Communication and Information, Ernesto Villegas, denounced Monday the right-wing is running a campaign to promote especially in social media violence and fascism, as part of a coup plot.
“The pre-coup conditions are there. They are mainly emotional conditions, they pretend the only message … is the avalanche of hate they pour into social networks,” he said in an interview with state media.
He recalled that before the coup d’etat the right hatched on April 11, 2002 against Commander Hugo Chavez, the right wing launched a campaign in private media to create an atmosphere of instability.
“Mainstream media managed to shock society, but at one point a party heavily influenced by conventional media did not even want to hear or listen to.”
Just as in 2002, the right urged supporters to take to the streets for alleged political demands and then to seek –though violence– the unconstitutional overthrow of Venezuela’s president Nicolas Maduro, elected by majority, Villegas said, who lamented the lack of responsibility among opposition spokesmen.
“We have not had a serious opposition that respects itself, that wants the country.”
Likewise, he said that in 2002 coup d’etat, the people, who in a civil-military insurrection restored the constitutionality of the country two days later, has greater strength and awareness.
“They are very afraid the Bolivarian project will recover itself in every order, in the economic field, in the political field, in the human field and in the electoral field.”
He reaffirmed the Bolivarian Revolution is the only one that can empower the country and consolidate a diversified economy to overcome the oil rentier model inherited from previous governments. “The Bolivarian project is the project aimed at radically transforming the country, this project is the only project offering goals, a project of joint vocation to the country.”