This nagging has been repeated in forums and events paid by US corporations without a shred of shame towards the invisibility of other current situations of greater concern in other countries from the region. But Luis Almagro’s selective interests regarding to Venezuela belongs to a much larger agenda: his skewed report on Venezuela delivered on March 14th uses the International Crisis Group NGO as source, funded by Exxon Mobil, the American Enterprise Institute, it was also funded by another powerful oil company with clear interests in Venezuelan energy resources, as a platform to project slanderous arguments on the report.
Mision Verdad took the time to remind Luis Almagro of the severity (humanitarian, economic and democratic) that is taking place in other countries in the region, which paradoxically fit much better within his biased approach to the Venezuelan situation. Everything that he denounces about our country, amid inconsistent data and half-truths, fits perfectly with what is happening today in other countries in the region.
Brazil: The Case of the Dictatorship that Cuts Basic Rights with Support from the OAS
As we know, the current Brazilian government is the result of a coup orchestrated by legislative and judicial powers (influenced by anti-government sectors and the United States) against Dilma Rousseff, elected by 54 million citizens. Thus, the alleged “kidnapping of institutions by the regime” which Luis Almagro mentions in regards to Venezuela, it can rather be applied to Brazil.
They didn’t “restore power to the people to elect their representatives” In Brazil, nor have they met the democratic mandate of the millions of Brazilians who voted for Dilma Rousseff to prevent the application of a neoliberal adjustment in the country.
In the early days of change, the coup leaders carried out a swift constitutional reform that froze states expenditure for 20 years on education, health and social plans, besides cutting pensions and labor laws, without consulting the country through a figure similar to that of the referendum they demand on Venezuela. Luis Almagro not only avoided condemning the coup d’état at the time, but currently supports that millions of Brazilians are left without work, without social security and are starving. The neoliberal whip is felt in their stomachs.
Luis Almagro leaves out the 200 thousand people who marched against the Temer dictatorship, nor does he denounce the seriousness with which the political, social and economic situation is unfolding in the country. Rather, he encourages Brazil to violate all basic rights it claims to defend, to such an extent that he does not waste smiles when he meets with coup-orchestrators and looting promotors, such as former Brazilian Foreign Minister, José Serra.
Almagro greets Temer’s former Foreign Minister, José Serra, after the Rousseff coup.
Colombia: Political Assassinations and Child Malnutrition in a Government with Few Parties
Chavism is blamed for being an authoritarian regime that does not guarantee basic rights, nor political plurality of its population. Even though the Venezuelan State gives opposition political parties the guarantee that they can renew themselves, legally exercising their role in the country as the opposition, even though they try to denounce that they seek to be eliminated by the “dictatorship.”
However the reason for this article is not MUD coalition’s psychiatric case, but the countries where real historic oligarchies actually rule, leaving elections and the democratic system null and void. Places where the population has no capacity to decide on the political course of the country. One of those countries is Colombia, where before the eyes of the OAS, the same parties and oligarchic politicians have governed throughout their political life, as shown in this chart.
Never in the history of Colombia have the historical ruling oligarchies allowed the rise of an alternative party to power, to the point of having the extermination of the Patriotic Union as a political objective, party which was close to achieving this goal in past decades.
This brings us to the current timeline in which Luis Almagro considers himself as an alleged defender of political guarantees in Latin America, when history seems to repeat itself with the FARC peace process. Only between 2016 and 2017, 130 social leaders have been assassinated, 80 of whom lost their lives since the signing of the Havana Agreements.
Almagro obviously has not issued any kind of disapproval towards the Colombian State, nor has he been aggrieved for 40% of Colombians who do not make enough to eat or distressed because the country last year registered an unfortunate record of 46 children who died of malnutrition.
Mexico: from the Narco Government to the Humanitarian Crisis
Quietly, it can be said that the same things are happening in Mexico as in Brazil and Colombia. Since Enrique Peña Nieto took office, he sanctioned a constitutional reform to privatize oil, without consulting Mexican people (and even this year generated protests with the infamous “gasolinazo”).
But this is not the point, nor the two brazen electoral robberies of 1986 and 2006 that did not allow others that were not the National Action Party and the Institutional Revolutionary Party to govern, paradoxically what Almagro speculates on Venezuela happens in Mexico. When he refers to a country rich in natural resources ruled by “a mafia that does not guarantee the basic rights of its population.”
According to the Oxfam’s 2015 Inequality Report, this country, with one of the largest oil, agricultural and mineral resources in the world, cannot guarantee food for 27 million people, spreading poverty to one out of every two Mexicans. The fallacious humanitarian crisis denounced by Luis Almagro in Venezuela is seen in flesh and bone in Mexico, near his office in Washington.
Despite this, neither Luis Almagro nor any former OAS secretaries favored by Washington have had intentions to apply the Democratic Charter. Either by action, neglect, or the mere fact of being busy as the main promoter of this type of mechanism to plunder countries: the United States.
Other Examples and Some Conclusions about Double Standards
With complete normalcy there are many cases of systematic violations of the Democratic Charter in Latin America, under the “interesting” approach that is intended to be applied to Venezuela. From the Honduran President Orlando Hernández’ blatant constitutional violation to run for a second term, to the absence of a democratic system in Chile, where only two parties have ruled since Pinochet’s departure from power.
With this in mind, the OAS was created: to endorse interventions against sovereign countries that do not surrender their natural resources and to protect countries looted by corporations, even though they violate human rights and destroy the country (and its people) economically and politically. Luis Almagro tries to ensure that this “historical task” and what the OAS truly represents, isn’t too big for him to live up to.