Death of an Enemy: RKRP Leader on Assassination of Boris Nemtsov

For several days, all Russian mass media and political forces have been discussing the murder of Boris Nemtsov. They debate various versions of events, and speculate about the causes, consequences and prospects. Statements have appeared from virtually all political parties except the Russian Communist Workers Party (RKRP). Therefore, especially for our site, we asked Viktor Tyulkin, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the RKRP and Secretary of the Central Committee of the ROT Front, to comment on the event.


Correspondent: Almost all politicians and parties in one way or another have expressed condolences to the relatives of the deceased and outrage over the murder.

Viktor Tyulkin: All pro-bourgeois parties are beginning to express their sympathy for the good, decent, moral man and late politician. Even the so-called “intransigent Duma opposition” of Zyuganov, Kalashnikov, Kharitonov, Mironov and Zhirinovsky, on television talk shows, said in one way or another that they respected him, he had a position.

We do not know how to lie, and we will not. For us, Nemtsov is a class enemy, who in 1993 hysterically asked Chernomyrdin to “crush them, crush, Viktor Stepanovich!” This, according to the memoirs of Ilyumzhinov, the former president of Kalmykia, is how the young Nizhny Novgorod Governor Boris Nemtsov demanded the execution and ruthless suppression of the defenders of the Russian Supreme Soviet. Even though it was known that there were mostly unarmed people, including women and even children, in the area and rooms of the White House.

Later, as for his anti-popular actions alongside Yeltsin, Nemtsov was among the young reformers who led the country to the crisis of 1998 and, accordingly, to great disasters for hundreds of thousands of Russian families. In particular, poverty and disease, premature death, and loss of prospects for the future.

Recently, Nemtsov was on the side of Kiev junta, including supporting their punitive operations in the Donbass.

So, like it or not, there is a lot of blood on his hands, of inhabitants of Russia and the Donbass, mostly civilians — children, women and the elderly. Therefore, while we do not approve of political assassinations, we are also not going to shed tears for this wretch. Nemtsov was our class enemy, and remains so after his death.


Defenders of the Supreme Soviet during ‘Black August,’ 1993

Corr.: What is your version of what happened, who benefits from killing Nemtsov?

VT: Let’s simplify the question. Instead of “Who benefits from killing him?”, consider the question, “Who and what benefits after the action took place?”

We do not get tired of repeating that capitalism, exercising its dictatorship in the form of bourgeois democracy, to ensure its sustainability, usually creates political competition, even a supposedly irreconcilable one, warring with each other for the benefit of public consumption. But all this is within the existing system. In the United States, as is well known, there are two parties of one bourgeois class. In other countries, there are systems of three or four parties. The number doesn’t really matter — the essence is the same: to keep public attention on the skirmishes of these bourgeois forces among themselves, and prevent workers from changing their attention to an anti-capitalist, that is, a proletarian alternative. Where this alternative is still making its way, it does not attract more than a small percentage.

From this perspective, for the current ruling political elite and Putin personally, the presence of an opposition in the form of right-wing, pro-Yeltsin forces is handy. It is advantageous to show public opinion that those who now oppose the power of the president are the successors of Yeltsin, Chubais, Gaidar, the ideologists of the privatization policy, led by the instructions of the U.S. State Department. They say this is the real opposition.

By and large the death of Nemtsov helps to mend and secure this distorted picture of political reality in the public consciousness.

Due to this event, right-wing forces could be consolidated, reanimated, take to the streets of Moscow with about 50,000 people, and declare themselves the main opposition in front of their Western funders.

The Kremlin and pro-Putin forces once again had the opportunity to show there is a real danger of an Orange Revolution and Maidan chaos. And they use this to their advantage.

The so-called “parliamentary opposition” (Liberal Democratic Party, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, etc.) once again supported Putin and the authorities, and Gennady Zyuganov, acting in the role of “chief Kremlin Communist,” just as in 1993, urged people not to go out and to do nothing because of expected provocations. These political forces offered to meet in the Kremlin or Danilov Monastery and conduct proper negotiations.

Thus, by and large, Nemtsov was consistent in his capitalist beliefs and even his death helped to strengthen the system. In 1993, he called for the system to resolutely crack down on opponents and dissenters. As a result, the system dealt with him.


‘Crush them,’ said Boris Nemtsov: Supreme Soviet bombarded by Yeltsin’s tanks

Corr: Is there anything that we’re going to regret in connection with Nemtsov’s death?

VT: Oddly enough, there is. In the squabbling within his bourgeois class, Nemtsov and his colleagues, well aware of the inside situation, and fueled by information from various sources, including Western intelligence, constantly exposed the corruption and immorality of influential oligarchic and bureaucratic circles. After his death, perhaps the fervor of these whistleblowers will diminish somewhat. This is a pity, though you can understand why.

For communists and proletarian forces, these events again show that changes in government entities or even the physical elimination of certain political figures are no solution to the problems in the life of the masses. All this is terribly far from the cares of the common people. It is necessary to change the system itself. We do not need hysterical outbursts. We need a steady advance of the iron battalions of the proletariat.

Press Center of the Central Committee of the RKRP

Original

Translated by Greg Butterfield